22.214.171.124. Saanich has four basic sets of person
markers: predicative, possessive, objective, and subjective.
In each of these
sets means are provided for referring to the speaker (first person), the
addressee (second person), and others (third person). The
predicative pronominals (§2.4.1) are independent roots that refer to
first, second, and third persons. The possessives (§2.4.2) include
prefixes for first singular and second persons and suffixes for first plural
and third persons. The objective pronominals (§2.4.3) are suffixes
that always occur with a transitivizing suffix (see §2.5.2). The
subjective pronominals (§2.4.4) include a suffix for the third
person transitive and post-predicate particles (see §2.6.2.) for the
first and second persons in main clauses, and suffixes for all three persons in
both transitive and intransitives in certain subordinate clauses.
126.96.36.199. In all four sets plurality is obligatorily marked
only in the first person. Moreover, separate singular and plural forms
are available only in the first person. For all four sets a plural second
person may be indicated with the addition of an independent post-predicate
particle (see §188.8.131.52.5). Plurality may be marked in second and third
person predicative pronominals by means of a suffix. Plurality in second and
third persons may also be marked indirectly by means of the ‘plural’ morpheme
2.4.1. Predicative pronominals.
The predicative pronominals are independent full words with predicative
force. They serve primarily as emphatics in stylistic variation. They may
function either as predicate head or as oblique or non-oblique arguments to
|1st ||ʔə́sə ||ɬníŋəɬ
|2nd ||nə́kʷə ||nəkʷíʔliʔə
|3rd ||níɬ ||nəníɬliʔə
Table 4 lists the predicative pronominals. This diagram is a bit
deceptive in that it puts the second and third plurals on par with the other
four forms. These two are obviously derived from the corresponding singular
forms. The suffixes on these two forms are apparently related but appear
nowhere else. Third plural carries reduplication in addition to this
These two forms differ also in that they serve strictly to emphasize the
plurality. Unlike the first person plural, they are not obligatory in plural
The following examples show each of these pronominals in the same
context. In each the pronominal serves as the main predicate head of the
1. √ʔə́sə ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕+√siʔ ‘I scared
myself.’ [√I LIMIT CONTEMP CHAR+√scare]
2. nə́kʷə ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕siʔ ‘You scared
3. ʔəw̕ níɬ ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕siʔ
4. ɬníŋəɬ ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕siʔ ‘We scared
5. nəkʷíʔliʔə ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕siʔ ‘You folks
6. ʔəw̕ nəníɬliʔə ʔal̕ ʔəw̕ séy̕siʔ
The use of the predicative pronominals in examples 1-6
with the post-predicate particle /ʔal̕/ ‘limiting’ (see §184.108.40.206.6)
emphasizes that only one person is involved.
Examples 7 and 8 illustrate the stylistic variation allowed by the
use of these pronominals.
7. x̣éʔel̕s sən ‘I am Transformer.’
8. ʔə́sə x̣éʔel̕s ‘I am Transformer.’
Example 8 can be seen in context in §3.1 sentence
66. The gradual build-up to the mysterious "white robed guy" announcing
himself concludes with this sentence. It is clearly used for dramatic effect
and is better translated "it is I, Transformer." Example 7 is the more
ordinary construction parallel to sentences such
as /péstən sən/ ‘I’m American.’
In examples 1 to 6 only the third person pronominals are preceded by
/ʔəw̕/ ‘contemporaneous’ (see §220.127.116.11). This particle often occurs
with the third person predicative pronominal where other persons occur without
it. This is unexplained, but it may offer a clue to the analysis of two other
forms that translate as third person pronominals.
9. √ƛ̕íw̕ sən ʔə kʷs tsəw̕níɬ
‘I ran away from him.’ [√escape 1SUBJ OBL DEM him]
10. ƛ̕íw̕ sən ʔə kʷs θəw̕níɬ ‘I ran away from
The third person pronominals in examples 9 and 10
obviously contain ∥níɬ∥ the third person predicate pronominal. They also
certainly contain the ‘general’ and ‘feminine’ demonstrative formatives
∥ts-∥ and ∥θ-∥ (§2.6.3). The /əw̕/ may be identifiable with
the ‘contemporaneous’ particle though it never otherwise appears between a
demonstrative and a full word argument to a predication. Another problem with
this analysis is that nowhere else do such sequences of demonstratives occur.
In 9, in fact, they are contradictory: /kʷs/ indicates ‘invisible,
particular’ where /ts/ indicates ‘not invisible, particular’. It seems best
at present to leave the analysis of these forms an open question.
2.4.2. Possessive pronominals.
18.104.22.168. The possessive pronominals are a set of prefixes
and suffixes that
function in ways similar to the English possessives ‘my’, ‘your’, etc. They
primarily indicate personal possession of the entity or state indicated in the
full word to which they are affixed. They are also used to indicate the
subject of certain subordinate clauses.
|1st ||nə- ||-ɬtə
|2nd ||ʔən̕- ||ʔən̕-
|3rd ||-s ||-s
Table 5 shows the possessive pronominal affixes. Note that as
in the other pronominal systems the first person differs from the other two in
that it has separate singular and plural forms.
The following examples illustrate each of the possesive
pronominals in the same context.
11. nətén ‘It’s my mother.’
12. ʔən̕tén ‘It’s your mother.’
13. téns ‘It’s his/her/their mother.’
14. ténɬtə ‘It’s our mother.’
Examples 11 to 14 are predicate heads. They can take one
of the subject pronominals as in example 15.2
15. ʔən̕tén sən ‘I am your mother.’
Like example 15, examples 16 and 17 are formally
intransitive, though they seem from the translation to refer to an agent and a
16. nəsƛ̕iʔ sxʷ ‘I like you.’ [1POS-S√want,like 2SUBJ]
17. ʔən̕sƛ̕éʔeʔšən sən ‘You invited me.’
Examples 16 and 17 can be literally, though awkwardly,
translated ‘you are my liking’ and ‘I am your inviting.’
22.214.171.124. The possessive pronominals can occur affixed to
transitive as well as intransitive forms.
18. √ʔə́wə√nəʔ nə-s√x̣č-í-t ‘I don’t know
him/her/it.’ [√not√exist 1POS-S√know,figure-PERSIS-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø)]
19. √ʔə́wə√nəʔ n̕-s√x̣č-i-t-ál̕xʷ ‘You don’t know
us.’ [√not√exist 2POS-S√know, figure-PERSIS-CTRAN-1PLOBJ]
Example 18 might more literally be translated ‘my knowing
him does not exist.’
126.96.36.199. The subject of a subordinate clause
marked by ∥kʷə∥ (see
§188.8.131.52) is often indicated by a possessive pronominal. Example 20
shows the possessive pronominals in both the main and subordinate clauses.
20. nə-s√ƛ̕iʔ kʷə nə-s√čte-sə
‘I want to ask you
(a question).’ [1POS-S√want, like SUB 1POS-S√ask-(CTRAN)-2OBJ]
21. √ʔəkʷá(ʔ)-sə sən kʷə n̕-s-xʷ√sénəč=qən
‘I’m teaching you to speak Saanich.’ [√teach(ACT)-(CTRAN)-2OBJ 1SUBJ
Note that the initial /ʔə/ of the second person
possessive deletes when following /ʔ/ as in example 19 or /ə/ as in
example 21. This deletion occurs, however, only when the preceding /ʔ/ or
/ə/ is part of the same clause. Examples 22 to 24 show possessive
pronominals functioning as subjects of nominalized conjunctive clauses (see
§2.1.1). In example 24 the second person
possessive is clause initial and therefore does not show deletion.
22. √kʷə́n-ət sən kʷəʔ nə-s-əw̕ √nəw̕é-s ‘I took
it and carried it in.’ [√take, grasp-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ INFORM
23. √kʷə́n-ət ɬtə kʷəʔ s-əw̕√nəw̕é-s-ɬtə ‘We
took it and carried it in.’ [√take, grasp-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1PLSUBJ INFORM
24. √kʷə́n-ət sxʷ kʷəʔ ʔən̕-s-əw̕ √nəw̕é-s ‘You
took it and carried it in.’ [√take, grasp-CTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 2SUBJ INFORM
184.108.40.206. Emphatic pronominals are formed by affixing the
possessive pronominals to a special base, /skʷéʔ/, which can function as a
predicate head as in examples 25 to 30.
25. nəskʷéʔ ‘It’s mine.’
26. nəskʷéʔ nəʔél̕əŋ ‘It’s my house.’
27. ʔən̕skʷéʔ n̕ʔél̕əŋ ‘It’s your house.’
28. ʔən̕skʷéʔ hélə n̕ʔél̕əŋ ‘It’s you folks’ house.’
29. skʷéʔɬtə ʔél̕əŋɬ tə ‘It’s our house.’
30. skʷéʔs ʔél̕əŋs ‘It’s his/her/their house.’
See §2.1.5 on the possessive pronominals in
contrast and combination with ∥č-∥ ‘have’.
2.4.3. Objective pronominals.
220.127.116.11. The objective pronominals indicate the objects of
predicates. They are all suffixes which always immediately follow one of the
transitivizing suffixes (see §2.5.2).
There are two sets of object suffixes. One (table 6) occurs only
following the ‘control transitive’; the other (table 7) follows the other
Object suffix set 1
|1st ||-s ||-al̕xʷ
|2nd ||-sə ||-sə
|3rd ||ø ||ø
Object suffix set 2
|1st ||-aŋəs ||-al̕xʷ
|2nd ||-aŋə ||-aŋə
|3rd ||ø ||ø
As with the other pronominals, a regular, distinct plural form is
available only in the first person where plurality is obligatorily marked.
The two systems of object suffixes show a number of similarities.
third person object is a zero morpheme in both systems. The first person
plural is the same in both systems. First person singular ends in
second person ends in /ə/ in both systems. No differences in meaning
or function between the two systems have been observed.
18.104.22.168. It may be that the first and second person objects
of set 2 are further
analyzable as involving a morpheme /-aŋ/. Since apparently
nothing is gained
from such an analysis I will continue to represent each of these two as single
It is also tempting, for these two suffixes,
to presume that the /a/
is not a part of the object but rather a part of the preceding transitivizer.
The two transitivizing suffixes that object set 2 most commonly occurs with
both have an underlying /a/, ∥-naxʷ∥ ‘non-control transitive’ and
∥-staxʷ∥ ‘causative’. It seems reasonable to assume that the /xʷ/ is
deleted when followed by an object suffix, /-ŋəs/ or /-ŋə/, leaving the
/a/ as in 31.
31. k̕ʷənnáŋə sən ‘I see you.’
∥√k̕ʷən-naxʷ-ŋə sən∥ [√see-NTRAN-2OBJ 1SUBJ]
However, there does seem to be evidence to assume the
contrary: that the vowel and final consonant of the transitivizer are deleted
and the /a/ is part of the suffix as in 32.
32. k̕ʷənnáŋə sən ‘I see you.’
∥√k̕ʷən-naxʷ-aŋə sən∥ [√see-NTRAN-2OBJ 1SUBJ]
There are two reasons for assuming the analysis as in
32. First, the /a/ of the transitivizers ordinarily surface
only when the
root is vowelless (see §2.5 and §2.3.5). The /a/ appears
with first and second person objects regularly both with vowelless roots and
with roots having full vowels. This suggests that the /a/ appearing with the
object suffixes is different from that of the transitive suffixes. The second
and more compelling reason to assume the analysis as in 32 is the fact that
the first and second person object suffixes occurring with the transitivizer
∥-nəs∥ ‘purposive’ have /a/. The /s/ of this transitivizer does not
delete and there is no reason to assume any underlying /a/ for it. See
§2.4.5 for summary paradigms with various transitivizers and
especially §22.214.171.124 for ∥-nəs∥.
2.4.4. Subjective pronominals.
126.96.36.199. In main clauses the subjective pronominals
include post-predicate particles in first and second person, a suffix in third
person transitive, and a zero morpheme for third person in some other contexts.
Main clause subject pronominals
|1st ||s-ən ||ɬtə
|2nd ||s-xʷ ||s-xʷ
|3rd ||-əs ∼ ø ||-əs ∼ ø
As with other pronominal systems, no special forms for second and third
plurals are available. Plurality is obligatory only in the first person.
188.8.131.52. The /s/ of the first singular
persons is segmentable as a main clause subject base.
The /-ən/ and /-xʷ/
appear suffixed to the predicate head of certain subordinate clauses. Table
9 shows the subordinate clause subject markers.
Subordinate clause subject pronominals
|1st ||-ən ||-əɬtə
|2nd ||-əxʷ ||-əxʷ
|3rd ||-əs ||-əs
In subordinate clauses, /-əs/ marks the third person subject in
intransitives as well as transitives.
184.108.40.206. Ergative or split ergative systems have been
noted for several Coast Salish languages (Squamish, Kuipers (1967); Halkomelem,
Gerdts (1980); and Lummi, Jelinek and Demers (1983)). Saanich also displays
limited ergativity. It is ergative in that the intransitive subject is marked
the same as the transitive object, a zero morpheme; it is split in that this is
true only of the third person in main clauses. However, the third person
subject appears as a zero morpheme not only in main clause intransitives but
also in transitives having a first person object from set 2.
In §2.4.5 summary paradigms give
220.127.116.11. In Saanich a second person object almost never occurs
with a third person subject. In eliciting paradigms, sentences such as ‘he
looked at you’ appear in the passive, ‘you were looked at’, as in example 33.
33. √k̕ʷə́n-ət-əŋ sxʷ [√see-CTRAN-PASS 2SUBJ]
The expected underlying form, ∥√k̕ʷən-ət-sə-əs∥, with
second person object and third person subject would, by regular phonological
rules, merge on the surface with another underlying form, ∥√k̕ʷən-ət-s-əs∥,
with first person object and third person subject. Example 34, which could be
the surface realization of either of these, has ordinarily only one reading.
34. k̕ʷə́nəsəs ‘He looked at me.’
It is interesting how the language has chosen to avoid a
sensitive, possibly highly confusing ambiguity. The choice of reading here is
undoubtedly determined by the high pragmatic salience of "looking out for
number one," probably a human universal reflected also in the traditional
grammatical terminology ‘first person’. Jelinek and Demers (1983) discuss
similar phenomena occurring in other Coast Salish languages.
Sentences like 34 do rarely occur with a second person object
interpretation. Example 35 occurred in running text and was later translated
with second person object. When questioned on this, informants confirmed that
it could mean either of the two glosses.
35. t̕ə́m̕əsəs ʔə tsə sŋénət
‘He hit you with a rock; he hit me with a rock.’
In attributive constructions that translate as relative clauses the
subject is always third person. In these cases the subject is never overtly
marked by the pronominal suffix. Since the third person subject is zero here,
the ambiguity can never arise. Therefore, first and second person objects
appear freely. In examples 36 and 37
first and second person objects occur with the zero third person subject.
The relative clause is in boldface.
36. √k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ sən kʷsə s√wə́y̕qəʔ
‘I saw the man who hit you in the face.’
[√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 1SUBJ DEM S√man
37. √k̕ʷə́n-nəxʷ sxʷ kʷsə s√wə́y̕qəʔ
‘You saw the man who hit me in the face.’
[√see-NTRAN-3OBJ(ø) 2SUBJ DEM S√man
18.104.22.168. A few examples will suffice to demonstrate that
the third person subject marker is a suffix where the first and second person
subject markers are particles.
38. ʔət̕θíŋəstxʷ sən ‘I dressed him.’
39. ʔət̕θíŋəstxʷ sxʷ ‘You dressed him.’
40. ʔət̕θíŋəstxʷ ɬtə ‘We dressed him.’
41. ʔət̕θəŋístəs ‘She (he, they) dressed him.’
Stress placement is discussed in §1.4. In
general, given two contiguous syllables with equal stress valence, stress will
fall on the penultimate. In 38-40 the subject pronominals do not count as
ultimate syllables for stress placement, but in 41 the third person subject
pronominal does cause stress to be placed on the /i/ of the
suffix. Stress placement in these examples indicates that the phonological
word ends in 38-40 after the ‘causative’ suffix and before the subject
pronominal and in 41 the phonological word includes the subject pronominal.
Aside from stress placement, these examples offer a second reason for
considering the first and second person subject pronominals to be particles
while the third person subject pronominal is a suffix. All four of these
examples contain the ‘causative’ suffix which, like the ‘non-control
transitive’, has a final /xʷ/ which invariably deletes when
followed by any
suffix (see §22.214.171.124). Examples 38-40 show that the /xʷ/ does
not delete before the first and second person subject pronominals, but in 41
it does delete before the third person. The third person
subject behaves like a suffix; the first and second person subjects behave like
they are not phonologically part of the word.
2.4.5. Summary paradigms.
This section provides a summary, exemplification, and a convenient
reference to the objective and subjective pronominals. Paradigms are provided
for intransitives, each of the transitive suffixes of §2.5.2, and for
transitives in combination with the ‘indirective’ (§126.96.36.199) and
‘persistent’ (§2.2.1) suffixes.
188.8.131.52. Examples 42-45 illustrate main clause
42. yéʔ sən ‘I go.’
43. yéʔ sxʷ ‘You go.’
44. yéʔ ‘He/she/it goes.’
45. yéʔ ɬtə ‘We go.’
Examples 46-49 illustrate the subject pronominals in
subordinate clause intransitives. Note that whereas the third person
main clause intransitive subject is ø, the third person subordinate
intransitive subject is /-əs/, the same as the third person
subject. The subordinate subject in 46-49 is suffixed to the same root that
appears in 42-45.
46. sés sxʷ kʷə yéʔən tɬ šxʷiméləʔ ‘You
sent me to the store (you sent me that I go to the store).’
∥√se-ət-s sxʷ kʷə √yeʔ-ən tl s-xʷ√xʷəym=eləʔ∥ [√send-CTRAN-1OBJ
2SUBJ SUB √go-1SUBJ DEM S-LOC√sell=container]
47. sésə sən kʷə yéʔəxʷ tɬ šxʷiméləʔ ‘I
sent you to the store (I sent you that you go to the store).’
∥√se-ət-sə sən kʷə √yeʔ-əxʷ tl s-xʷ√xʷəym=eləʔ∥ [√send-CTRAN-2OBJ
1SUBJ SUB √go-2SUBJ DEM S-LOC√sell=container]
48. sét sən kʷs tsəw̕níɬ kʷə yéʔəs tɬ šxʷiméləʔ
‘I sent him to the store (I sent him that he go to the store).’
∥√se-ət-ø sən kʷs tsəw̕niɬ kʷə √yeʔ-əs tl s-xʷ√xʷəym=eləʔ∥
[√send-CTRAN-3OBJ 1SUBJ DEM him SUB √go-3SUBJ
49. setál̕xʷ sxʷ kʷə yéʔəɬtə tɬ šxʷiméləʔ
‘You sent us to the store (you sent us that we go to the store).’
∥√se-ət-al̕xʷ sxʷ kʷə √yeʔ-əɬtə tl s-xʷ√xʷəym=eləʔ∥
[√send-CTRAN-1PLOBJ 2SUBJ SUB √go-1PLSUBJ DEM S-LOC√sell=container]
184.108.40.206. Object (columns) and subject (rows) paradigm
with ∥-ət∥ ‘control transitive’ (§220.127.116.11).
The root ∥√k̕ʷən∥ ‘see’ with
‘control transitive’ has the gloss ‘look at’ as in ‘I look at you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷə́nəsə sən ||k̕ʷə́nət sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷə́nəsə ɬtə ||k̕ʷə́nət ɬtə |
|2 ||k̕ʷə́nəs sxʷ ||k̕ʷənətál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||k̕ʷə́nət sxʷ |
|3 ||k̕ʷə́nəsəs ||k̕ʷənətál̕xʷəs ||(k̕ʷə́nətəŋ sxʷ) ||k̕ʷə́nətəs |
18.104.22.168. Object (columns) subject (rows) paradigm with
∥-naxʷ∥ ‘non-control transitive’ (§22.214.171.124).
The root ∥√k̕ʷən∥ ‘see’ with this
transitivizer is glossed as, for example, ‘I see you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənnáŋə sən ||k̕ʷə́nnəxʷ sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənnáŋə ɬtə ||k̕ʷə́nnəxʷ ɬtə |
|2 ||k̕ʷənnáŋəs sxʷ ||k̕ʷənnál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||k̕ʷə́nnəxʷ sxʷ |
|3 ||k̕ʷənnáŋəs ||k̕ʷənnál̕xʷəs ||(k̕ʷə́nnəŋ sxʷ) ||k̕ʷə́nnəs |
126.96.36.199. Object (columns) subject (rows) paradigm with
∥-staxʷ∥ ‘causative’ (§188.8.131.52).
The root ∥√k̕ʷən∥ ‘see’ with this
transitivizer is glossed ‘show’ as in ‘I show (it to) you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənstáŋə sən ||k̕ʷə́nstxʷ sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənstáŋə ɬtə ||k̕ʷə́nstxʷ ɬtə |
|2 ||k̕ʷənstáŋəs sxʷ ||k̕ʷənstál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||k̕ʷə́nstxʷ sxʷ |
|3 ||k̕ʷənstáŋəs ||k̕ʷənstál̕xʷəs ||(k̕ʷə́nstəŋ sxʷ) ||k̕ʷə́nstəs |
184.108.40.206. Object (columns) subject (rows) paradigm with
∥-ət∥ ‘control transitive’ and ∥-si∥
‘indirective’ (§220.127.116.11). The root
∥√k̕ʷən∥ ‘see’ with these two suffixes is glossed as, for example, ‘I look
at it for you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənsísə sən ||k̕ʷənsít sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||k̕ʷənsísə ɬtə ||k̕ʷənsít ɬtə |
|2 ||k̕ʷənsís sxʷ ||k̕ʷənsitál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||k̕ʷənsít sxʷ |
|3 ||k̕ʷənsísəs ||k̕ʷənsitál̕xʷəs ||(k̕ʷənsítəŋ sxʷ) ||k̕ʷənsítəs |
18.104.22.168. Object (columns) subject (rows) paradigm with
∥-ət∥ ‘control transitive’ and ∥-i∥ ‘persistent’ (§2.2.1).
The root4 ∥√x̣č∥ ‘figure out’ with these
two suffixes is glossed ‘know’ as in ‘I know you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||x̣əčsí sən ||x̣čít sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||x̣əčsí ɬtə ||x̣čít ɬtə |
|2 ||x̣čís sxʷ ||x̣čitál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||x̣čít sxʷ |
|3 ||x̣əčsís ||x̣čitál̕xʷəs ||(x̣əčtíŋ sxʷ) ||x̣əčtís |
22.214.171.124. Object (columns) subject (rows) paradigm with
∥-nəs∥ ‘purposive’ (§126.96.36.199). The root
∥√kʷaniŋat∥ ‘run, race’ with this
transitivizer is glossed as, for example, ‘I run after you.’
|1 ||-- ||-- ||kʷənəŋatnəsáŋə sən ||kʷənəŋátnəs sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||kʷənəŋatnəsáŋə ɬtə ||kʷənəŋátnəs ɬtə |
|2 ||kʷənəŋatnəsáŋəs sxʷ ||kʷənəŋatnəsál̕xʷ sxʷ ||-- ||kʷənəŋátnəs sxʷ |
|3 ||kʷənəŋatnəsáŋəs ||kʷənəŋatnəsál̕xʷəs ||(kʷənəŋátnəsəŋ sxʷ) ||kʷənəŋátnəsəs |
188.8.131.52. Object (columns) subject (rows)
∥-əs∥ ‘effort transitive’ (§184.108.40.206).
Only partial paradigms have been recorded with
this transitivizer. The following set with ∥√nəw̕∥
‘be inside’ is the most
complete. Note that when both first and second persons are
‘relational’ also appears. See also §220.127.116.11.
|1 ||-- ||-- ||nəw̕ŋíŋə sən ||nəw̕és sən |
|1pl ||-- ||-- ||not recorded ||not recorded |
|2 ||nəw̕ŋíŋəs sxʷ ||not recorded ||-- ||nəw̕és sxʷ |
|3 ||(nəw̕éŋ sən) ||not recorded ||(nəw̕éŋ sxʷ) ||not recorded |
Notes to §2.4.
1. The prosodic similarity between the second and third plurals here is
striking but as yet unaccounted for.
2. I recorded no examples with the first plural possesive and a second
person subject. Hess (p.c.) has data indicating that constructions
like *ténɬtə sxʷ are unacceptable in Saanich. This is also the
case in other Salish languages.
In order to say ‘you are our mother’ one must
resort to the second person predicative pronominal: nə́kʷə ténɬtə.
3. This similarity is an historical accident.
The first singular /s/ of object set 1 comes from Proto-Salish *c,
while that of object set 2 comes from *x (Kinkade, p.c.).
4. A full paradigm for the root of previous paradigms,
∥k̕ʷən∥, with ∥-i∥ ‘persistent’ was not recorded.
However, forms such as /k̕ʷənsí sən/ ‘I watch you’ do occur.
See examples 1-4 in §2.2.
This root has not been recorded with either ∥-nəs∥
‘purposive’ or ∥-əs∥ ‘effort’.